UN week and Lavrov’s talks Vremya’s full UN roundup

Sep 26

Vremya’s Mikhail Akinchenko reviews UN high-level week, citing Lula’s warning about trust, Lavrov’s address, Trump and Pezeshkian on Iran and the Iranian delegation’s contacts with U.S. envoys. It covers Lavrov’s meetings with Rubio, Guterres, Grossi and Wadephul, Putin’s G20 invitation and circulation of a Russian report disputing the Bucha killings. It recalls Trump–Zelenskyy exchanges, an energy-truce proposal, Lavrov’s rejection of a pause in military operations and his comments on U.S. sanctions. The Bucha allegations, hostile characterizations, motives and diplomatic judgments remain the programme’s and speakers’ accounts; contacts and proposals are distinguished from an achieved compromise, and the independently identified appearances and meetings remain separate occurrences.

Johann Wadephul and Sergei Lavrov meet on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York, described by Tagesschau as the first bilateral foreign-minister-level meeting since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Citing German delegation sources, the report says Wadephul urges an end to the war and participation in a durable European peace order. Correspondent Arndt Henze says Wadephul also demands an end to Russian hybrid warfare, citing drone incidents; the report supplies no new evidence establishing responsibility for those incidents. Henze relays Lavrov's response that he heard nothing new, then assesses the meeting and the U.S. G20 invitation as possible openings for negotiations. Possible UAE talks and a negotiating window through early December are his analysis, not an agreed schedule or breakthrough. Vremya's September 26 report says Berlin requested the meeting, shows the silent photo opportunity and an unanswered reporter's question to Wadephul, and cites Russian diplomats for discussion of Ukraine and bilateral relations. It repeats Lavrov's assessment that he heard nothing new. The source supplies no agreement or detailed German response; Tagesschau's account of German demands remains alongside it. Tagesschau's September 27 follow-up says the closed meeting lasted about twenty minutes. Back in Germany, Wadephul defends reopening channels but says Lavrov's reaction showed Russia was unwilling to enter concrete negotiations. Lavrov is quoted as having heard nothing new. Security analyst Christian Mölling argues that the photo opportunity chiefly benefited Russia; Die Linke chair Luigi Pantisano urges further talks. The report says neither side claims a breakthrough and leaves further meetings open. These assessments supplement the earlier German and Russian accounts. Vremya's September 27 weekly review supplies a longer Lavrov response: he says Wadephul read familiar positions from notes and expected concessions on Ukraine in return for agreeing to meet. The correspondent interprets Wadephul placing a notebook over a Russian Bucha report as a political gesture, and quotes Zakharova's criticism. Those interpretations and Lavrov's account do not establish the German minister's motive or replace the German account of his demands. Weltwoche's September 28 commentary welcomes the meeting while describing competing accounts of who sought it. Köppel relays Wadephul's criticism over Leipzig and civilian attacks, then challenges prevailing war coverage. He attributes to conversations with the International Committee of the Red Cross and other observers the claim that both armies try to spare civilians, without identifying speakers or presenting evidence; this is his account, not an established ICRC finding. He sees U.S. diplomacy and the G20 invitation as encouraging dialogue, while acknowledging mutual accusations and that Trump is not always right. A later return supplies his historical argument about Russian grievances and criticizes opposition to Wadephul's talks, naming Roderich Kiesewetter. These judgments do not establish a diplomatic breakthrough or resolve the competing accounts. AUF1's September 28 analysis contrasts Lavrov's dismissive press-conference remarks with the more restrained Russian Foreign Ministry communiqué, which says the German side requested the meeting and reaffirmed its positions. It relays Lavrov's account that Wadephul raised the Black Sea initiative and quotes Wadephul's UN appeal for negotiations. It reports Kiesewetter's criticism of a perceived German separate path. AUF1 and its news director Martin Müller-Mertens question whether the encounter signals dialogue, criticize Lavrov's manner and speculate about domestic obstacles. Their claims about German war preparations and political motives are commentary; the report announces no agreement. Weltwoche's September 29 follow-up reports Kallas interpreting the encounter as evidence that Russia has no interest in peace. Köppel argues that expecting an immediate result after prolonged estrangement was unrealistic and that Germany should have sought talks earlier. He says Moscow may prefer Washington as an interlocutor and considers its perceived military advantage an obstacle to peace, while questioning what would happen if it failed to win by spring 2027. These are competing assessments of the same unsuccessful encounter, not a new meeting or negotiating agreement. In the complete September26 Tagesthemen interview, Wadephul himself says colleagues from other countries conveyed Russian willingness and encouraged him to talk. He identifies grain exports and Egypt's famine risk, his warning over the Leipzig drone incident and continued Ukraine support as reasons for the encounter. He describes fundamental disagreements and a hard conversation, rejects a change in German Ukraine policy and distinguishes the value of making Germany's position clear privately from a positive negotiating result, which he says was absent. Future constructive relations require Russia's serious readiness to end the war; enabling grain shipments could be a beginning, but he remains skeptical. This direct German account is preserved alongside Lavrov's differing account of initiative and purpose and the later commentators' assessments. The complete primary press-conference account records Lavrov denying Russian attacks on Indian, Egyptian and Turkish commercial shipping, blaming Ukraine and challenging Germany's Leipzig attribution. He also invokes Germany's UN-host obligations against the Bonn closure and defends confidential dialogue in a later return. These are his statements and recollections, not a joint readout, verified attribution or agreed outcome. In his October 1 Valdai account and a later return, Köppel calls the encounter botched but overall meaningful, argues that threats and finger-wagging impede negotiations and says the twenty-minute New York meeting's continuing prominence illustrates interest in renewed dialogue. He urges German–Russian communication without reporting another encounter, an agreement or a changed negotiating result.