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Bessent on China and Iran Fox’s complete interview

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Trump–Pezeshkian memorandum on Iran and Hormuz

Jun 17

Bret Baier interviews Scott Bessent about China trade, the economy, AI and economic pressure on Iran. Bessent announces a two-month extension of the Busan trade truce to January 10, describing unfinished negotiations, possible tariff reductions and financial-services announcements, soybean purchases and other agricultural commitments. Those possible deals remain prospective. He attributes energy inflation to the Iran conflict, cites core inflation and PMI, jobs and wages, and forecasts lower energy prices. On AI, he expects China to engage on a proposed safety channel but says its scope remains unresolved; he dismisses speculation about becoming an AI czar. Asked about corporate liability, he says humans create AI systems and agents and bear responsibility, endorsing Daniel Huttenlocher's editorial without specifying a statute or resolving liability in a case. He estimates 10–17 million barrels of oil a day moving through Hormuz plus about three million by other routes, alleges Iranian drone attacks and credits the U.S. Navy. He claims most external Iranian flights have been halted, describes private talks with China and banking actions with Emirati and Turkish partners, and refers to Russian-bank sanctions. These are his accounts, not independently verified outcomes. He recalls the failed June memorandum and predicts Iran will concede, without a confirmed timetable or agreement.

Fox's Jack Keane recalls a memorandum signed by Trump and Masoud Pezeshkian that included reopening Hormuz. He alleges that Iran breached it within four or five days and uses that claim to argue against relying on a new deal. The segment does not independently establish the breach; his characterization of the agreement's scope is an analyst's account. In the September 23 interview, Bessent recalls giving an MOU a try on June 3 and alleges that Iran began firing on ships weeks later. He uses the experience to argue that future concessions must be durable. His reference to June 3 is not a new verified signing date: the documented signing remains June 17, while contemporary June 3 reporting described an emerging memorandum. The different chronology and compliance descriptions remain attributed. In his September 24 Fox interview, Pezeshkian says the signed June framework remains a basis for agreement and describes a planned joint team to resolve misunderstandings that was never established. He says the accord allowed 60 days for talks and criticizes its disruption after roughly two weeks. Baier counters that IRGC attacks on ships and a Qatari tanker undermined the deal, and questions the civilian leadership's ability to guarantee compliance. Yingst endorses the breach account. These competing explanations and varied time references are retained; they do not establish a new agreement or independently settle responsibility. In CBS interview excerpts recorded September 25 and relayed by IRINN on September 26, Pezeshkian says an agreed Iran–Oman route required coordination and blames passage without that coordination for confrontation. He says Iran will comply if the agreed framework is respected. This additional Iranian explanation is retained alongside the Fox interview and U.S. accounts attributing failure to Iranian attacks; responsibility remains disputed. Oman TV's Saeed Shehata says the latest Iranian demands seek compliance with the June memorandum rather than new concessions. He describes blockade and oil-sanctions relief, release of frozen assets, nuclear discussion and reopening Hormuz as a basis for renewed diplomacy. He argues that mediators should seize this opening despite Iran's economic weakness. This is his interpretation of the existing framework, alongside the preserved U.S. and Iranian disagreements over past compliance. Fox's September 28 discussion again contrasts Pezeshkian's account that the MOU's coordinating team was never formed with Hume's allegation that Iran violated the framework almost immediately. Hume also questions whether Pezeshkian controls the IRGC. This is a replay and new analysis of the existing June framework, not a new memorandum or a resolution of disputed compliance. In Oman News’s September 29 live discussion, Mohammed Jawad says Tehran seeks a return to the Pakistan-mediated Islamabad memorandum. He interprets its first clause as requiring an end to war on all fronts, including Lebanon, and warns, attributing the view to Iranian leaders, that Lebanese or other regional escalation could harm diplomacy. This supplements the pro-return account of the existing memorandum; the claimed scope remains attributed and no new agreement is established. Lavrov's September 26 press conference calls the Islamabad memorandum a fair arrangement signed at the highest level and asks why the parties cannot return to it. This adds a Russian diplomatic assessment favoring the earlier framework, without a new agreement or a settled explanation of its breakdown. Review of Keane's complete answer clarifies that his breach allegation underpins opposition to any new agreement and support for economic/military pressure aimed at regime collapse. This substantive position remains distinct from administration assurances that a new deal can be enforced. Tagesthemen's October 5 Bandar Abbas interview adds Weber's account that ending hostilities, lifting sanctions and freeing frozen assets were agreed in June but the United States did not comply. He describes Iranian interest in a settlement alongside threats and mistrust. This is a further attributed account of the existing framework and its contested compliance, not a new memorandum or a resolution of responsibility; the later Qatar reply's precise identity is not established.

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