Putin meets party leaders Full discussion and agenda

Sep 18–20

The complete September 28 Kremlin discussion preserves the parliamentary parties' election assessments, competing domestic agendas and presidential responses. Putin praises the conduct and legitimacy of voting, alleges failed foreign interference and terrorist methods, thanks courageous voters and election workers, promises recognition for casualties and support for families, and urges joint legislative work and fair representation. Zyuganov presents the CPRF's Victory Program and Ten Steps to a Dignified Life, draft laws and a development budget ten trillion rubles above the approved budget. He promotes industrial and farm examples, seeks urgent fair-price grain purchases after a claimed harvest near 160 million tonnes, warns about the sowing deadline and the effect on machinery suppliers, and criticizes interest rates, business taxes and utility bills. He disputes low Communist totals in Dagestan and Ingushetia, alleges invented figures and asks for a joint commission, while praising other regions' competition and discussing unsuccessful candidates and campaign costs. Putin endorses grain support and reserve purchases, says he already instructed the government and plans a deputy-prime-minister meeting. He also agrees to examine voting concerns, while saying Pamfilova reported no official CPRF challenges. Zyuganov renews an Altai aides-case appeal, alleging fabricated accusations, and reaffirms loyalty to the president's wartime directives. He describes convoys, salary donations, children's assistance and allies as part of the party's continued war support; Putin recognizes that support and welcomes distinct domestic views. Slutsky recalls Zhirinovsky's April 25, 2026 80th anniversary and its countrywide campaign, reports improved LDPR election results and newly elected commanders, and promises continued support for troops and party-supported brigades. He describes a digital veteran-support model being developed with the Defenders of the Fatherland Foundation, with a future nationwide launch and comprehensive occupational, medical, social and psychological rehabilitation. He pledges school, vocational and engineering priorities, proposes a housing-rights commission potentially becoming a Duma committee and a utilities agency potentially becoming a department, and says all parliamentary parties backed migrant-family restrictions that day. Putin calls for justified and income-proportionate tariffs without approving the proposed body. Slutsky promises parliamentary outreach for a multipolar order. Babakov describes A Just Russia's support for troops and families, cooperative parliamentary debate despite differing socioeconomic approaches, qualitative development goals and decent work for returning veterans through industrial and infrastructure projects. In response to Putin, he says Mironov was elected faction leader by video that day. Davankov expects a twenty-member New People faction from nineteen list deputies and a possible independent, notes that only one of ten Duma veteran candidates won and promises support for the unsuccessful candidates' career and veteran projects. He asks for action on Ekaterina Vinnitskaya's claimed two-year Mother Heroine application problem and proposes a government/Duma road-camera safety audit and removal of ineffective cameras, recalling Honest Roads as launched a year earlier. Putin congratulates him but does not announce approval of those individual appeals. Medvedev reports United Russia's more-than-58-percent vote and 349 Duma members, 665 veterans elected on its tickets across levels and fifty in its Duma faction, with help planned for their legislative work. He describes the people's program, 3.5 million voter submissions and eighty-five bills planned for autumn consideration, and pledges budget work for troops, families and the Ukrainian regions Russia claims as historic territories, recalling the 2032 nationwide-standards goal. Zyuganov asks to extend competence-based cross-party leadership allocation from the Duma to regions; Putin supports the approach and asks the Presidential Administration and United Russia to work on it. Medvedev recalls the party's prior Volodin nomination. Putin and all represented parliamentary parties endorse Volodin, with Zyuganov asking for a leftward socioeconomic course and other speakers praising his working methods. Volodin thanks them, puts troop supply and the presidential development agenda ahead of party platforms, and claims Russian democracy offers more freedom than Europe. These election figures, legitimacy judgments, aid totals and political allegations remain the speakers' claims; plans, endorsements and appeals are distinguished from enacted laws, completed reviews, camera removal or a completed Duma speaker election.

AUF1's September 22 report cites preliminary commission results giving United Russia 355 of 450 Duma seats after three days of voting. It lists 40 for the Communists, 25 for the Liberal Democrats, 20 for New People, four for A Just Russia and one for Rodina, and says represented parties broadly back Putin on central issues. It contrasts these results with anti-war Yabloko's restricted ballot access. Vremya's September 22 election discussion portrays the campaign as calm and disruption efforts as unsuccessful; these are participants' assessments. On September 23 Vremya gives turnout near 60 percent and more than 67 million participants, while Putin interprets the vote as support for the authorities and armed forces. On September 24 Vremya instead reports United Russia's preliminary tally as 349 seats and relays the party's success and interference narratives, including votes in Russian-occupied Ukrainian regions. The broadcasts do not reconcile 355 with 349; neither preliminary figure is silently replaced or treated as an independently audited final result. Weltwoche's September 22 account adds a contrasting legitimacy discussion: Köppel relays the EU's criticism of the Russian vote but challenges the EU's standing by invoking von der Leyen's selection and Ukraine's lack of wartime elections. His argument is political commentary, with no independently audited result or resolution of the other sources' preliminary-seat discrepancy. On September 25, Vremya reports the CEC's final allocation as 349 seats for United Russia, 37 for the Communists, 23 for LDPR, 19 for New People, 17 for A Just Russia, one for Rodina and four independents. It reports nearly 67.5 million voters and seven million remote electronic participants, airs party reactions and official security assessments, and notes a Kirov-region ballot error and review of Communist complaints. The certification is separately indexed as a later event. The final announced allocation does not retrospectively erase AUF1's earlier 355-seat preliminary account, and no independent audit or explanation of the change is supplied. At the September 28 Pamfilova meeting, Vremya repeats turnout near 60 percent and more than seven million electronic voters, and says the Duma will be half renewed and four years younger on average. Pamfilova gives 655 war participants elected across all levels; the Duma-specific figure remains 46. The report discusses foreign observation and invalid-ballot rates and again presents voting as legitimate despite alleged interference. A separate meeting with party leaders returns to Putin's legitimacy and veteran-representation arguments. No revised seat allocation or independent audit is provided. Vremya's September 29 registration brief gives a later allocation of 350 United Russia, 37 Communist, 24 LDPR, 19 New People, 17 A Just Russia, one Rodina and two independents, while its fuller package about the September 28 party-leader meeting still says LDPR has 23. Medvedev gives 665 veterans elected on United Russia tickets across levels and fifty in its Duma faction. These source claims differ from the earlier seat and veteran totals, including Pamfilova's all-level/all-party figures; no explanation or independent reconciliation is supplied. Registration and faction decisions retain their own occurrence identities. The complete September 28 Kremlin recording adds substantive dissent that was edited out of the shorter party-meeting reports: Zyuganov disputes the CPRF's low Dagestan and Ingushetia totals, alleges invented figures and calls for a joint review. Putin agrees to examine concerns while saying the CEC chair reported no official CPRF challenges. Slutsky treats any problems as temporary rough edges and praises the commissions; other speakers emphasize legitimacy and participation. Medvedev repeats more than 58 percent and 349 Duma members for United Russia, while Davankov expects twenty faction members from nineteen list deputies plus a possible independent. These remain dated speaker claims and expectations, not an independent audit or a reconciliation of the other reports' seat and veteran figures.